Green Scorecard Gossip

Earlier today, OLCV released its 2007 Environmental Scorecard of the Oregon Legislature.

The ratings are dramatically higher than in recent sessions, which isn't too surprising to those who watched the session closely.

The Scorecard reports that 16 bills that will lead to significant improvements in Oregon's environmental legacy passed in 2007 -- more than from 1991-2005 combined. Only the 1977 and 1989 sessions came close in raw numbers, with 12 significant pro-environment bills passing in those sessions.

According to OLCV, the average rating was the highest since 1977.

While Democratic averages continue to outpace Republicans, the Republican average increased more. Democratic averages went from 79% in the Senate and 82% in the House in 2005, to 92% in the Senate and 94% in the House in 2007. Republican averages went from 17% in the Senate and 13% in the House in 2005, to 40% in the Senate and 41% in the House in 2007.

As OLCV's political director Katy Daily suggests in their press release:

“The Legislature’s new leadership demonstrated that if they act responsibly and listen to all sides, they can craft solutions that get strong, bipartisan support,”

Some more tidbits:

It was the first session since 1981 in which no legislator scored 0%.

A legislator from east of the cascades, Ben Westlund (D-Tumalo), scored 100%.

Republican leadership changes may have an impact in the future. Outgoing Republican minority leader Wayne Scott had the lowest House rating at 15%. Incoming House minority leader Bruce Hanna had a 55%. Does this bode well for future bipartisan progress on the environment?

They've posted the Scorecard online.

And you can discuss it over at the OLCV blog.

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    Why has this been turned into a "discuss over there" post? This seems like something that has relevance not only to conservation voters, which would be the focus over there, presumably, but also implications for broader Democratic and progressive strategies and politics.

    For instance, do Blue Oregon's rural advocates see this a problem for the all-county strategy? Or does the shift in R votes suggest that they understand they've been too extreme?

    Where do the suburbs and exurbs fit in the picture?

    Does this affect Democratic politics vis a vis the Greens?

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