An argument for Measure 65: It strengthens minor parties. Seriously.

Kari Chisholm FacebookTwitterWebsite

There are lots of arguments on both sides of Measure 65. Over the last few months, I've heard compelling arguments both pro and con.

But one that seems to come up again and again, is the idea that Measure 65 will somehow hurt minor parties. Let's talk about that.

Let me start by acknowledging that I'm a hardcore partisan Democrat. It's not likely that that's going to change anytime soon. But I happen to believe that more parties is better for democracy.

I'm still undecided about Measure 65, but I believe that the "it'll hurt minor parties" argument is bunk.

In fact, I think it will strongly empower minor parties.

First, let's take a look at the current system. Right now, minor parties don't have primary elections. The only way to get on the ballot as a minor party candidate is to be nominated at a nominating convention.

Those minor party candidates never appear on the May ballot. In fact, most of them aren't even chosen until the summer.

They go on the November ballot where they're either largely ignored - or, in a few cases, they act as spoilers.

Now, let's take a look at Measure 65. For starters, anybody who is registered with a minor party could file for office. The minor parties, just like the major parties, could endorse some, all, or none of those candidates.

Regardless, on the May ballot, candidates who are minor-party registered voters would appear before the voters.

But here's the thing: Since the top two candidates will move forward, there's much less opportunity for a spoiler effect.

Or, more precisely: Under M65, the minor party candidates could have a demonstrable spoiler effect - but it would be demonstrated BEFORE the general election.

And then, moving to the November election, the minor parties are suddenly empowered. If they drew enough votes in May that their support could sway the final outcome, they've got a whole lot more power.

To illustrate, here's an example:

May Election
44% Ron (Republican)
42% Dave (Democrat)
11% Gary (Green)
3% Larry (Libertarian)

November Election
56% Dave (Democrat, Green)
44% Ron (Republican, Libertarian)

Note two things. First, even though the minor parties lost initially, they were able to cross-endorse a candidate in November. Many folks haven't fully digested this critical fact. Second, while they no longer serve as spoilers in November, their power in that election is unmistakable. In future elections, the winning Democrat will clearly work hard to retain the support of Green party voters.

In this example, the Greens will actually be able to do what they've always claimed that they want to do -- to use their political power to pull the Democrats in their direction.

Despite claims to the contrary every election year, the spoiler effect doesn't actually pull the major parties toward the minor parties - because the spoiler'd candidate loses, is thus unable to affect policy, and their supporters are angry with the spoilers (and therefore not particularly interested in moving their way). Look no further than Gore/Nader.

But if the spoiler effect shows up in the May election, then the minor party gets tremendous power by influencing the final outcome in a positive way. And the winner, now an incumbent, is grateful and can actually affect policy in the way the minor party voters wanted.

And that's an example where the minor party is outside the spectrum between the two majors. Imagine for a moment if the minor party felt it could reasonably go with either of the top-two candidates in the general? Their power would be enormous.

....

Sidenote: So, why the heck do Dan Meek (of the IPO), the Pacific Green, Peace, and Libertarian parties oppose M65? I'm willing to bet it's because they will no longer be able to limit which candidates file for office under their banner. It's a control thing. Right now, the leaders of the minor parties nominate their own candidates - with as few as three people making the decision in some cases. Yes, M65 diminishes the power of minor party leaders, but it increases the power of minor party voters.

Under M65, anybody can file, and the voters will decide. (And yes, bogus ringer candidates are a possibility, but I believe that voters are smarter than that.)

As I said, I see this strengthening of minor parties as a major plus for Measure 65. I worry about higher costs of campaigns, about the impact on party cohesion (if we're having intraparty fights simultaneous with interparty fights), and M65's process for filling vacancies. More on all that later. For now, I remain undecided.

  • Rulial (unverified)
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    In future elections, the winning Democrat will clearly work hard to retain the support of Green party voters.

    Why? Let's say the winning Democrat ignores many of the Greens' concerns. What are Greens going to do? Vote for the Republican?

    In fact, because minor parties need to earn 1% in the general election to maintain legal recognition, the Green Party would have to endorse Democrats in order to survive. That means there would be no motivation for a Democrat to address their concerns. Worse, if the opponents of this measure are right and each major party consolidates support around a sole candidate in the primary, that candidate would not have to address the concerns of progressive Democrats (like me) either.

    However, if we instead added fusion voting to the current voting system (which I know you like), then the Democrat would have a big motivation to court Greens, because they could eliminate the threat of a spoiler and build their base of support.

    What I'd really like to see is instant runoff voting. I do agree we need some sort of electoral reform, because like you, I think more (viable) parties would be better.

  • DanOregon (unverified)
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    65 was about the only ballot measure that took some thought, mainly because there were people on both sides of the issue I respect. I ended up voting for it (Ducking) because I feel it will over time give more power to the center of the electorate. Too often, the Dems and GOPers veer to the outer reaches of their respective parties voters in order to gain the nomination. I feel the top two will force candidates to broaden their messages earlier in the campaign, parties won't be able to count on their registration edges in a particular district and will have to take more care in choosing candidate who will be more attractive to a broader base of voters. Gridlock will ease, special interest influence will wane and issues and ideas will rule. Now tell me how I'm wrong.

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    In fact, because minor parties need to earn 1% in the general election to maintain legal recognition

    That should be fixed. It should be 1% in the May election.

  • edison (unverified)
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    Nice thoughtful post, Kari. But I'm still "agin it". Only slightly OT perhaps, but until campaign financing reform becomes realistic, M65 offers no real improvement in my view. Thanks

  • Voting No On 65 (unverified)
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    For those who feel that our partisan system is somehow unfair, but care to learn what kinds of systems actually are fair, rather than this utter nonsense by Kari, you could turn to the serious scholarship out there. For instance, there is a new book called Gaming the Vote: Why Elections Aren't Fair (and What We Can Do About It).

    And by the way, most of these scholars recognize the plurality voting system as we have in our multi-party general elections, or would have in the open primary, is not fair. Most of them including Poundstone agree mathematics and human psychology both support that instant runoff voting is one of the best solutions, even as they recognize it will be an uphill battle for IRV to become widespread in the US because of human nature. None argue for any variant of open primaries, much less make any version of Kari's argument that ultimately rests on nonsensical assertions about what candidates would do in some fantasy political world. Kari is in effect trying to falsely impute some quality of IRV to a fundamentally unfair open primary system.

    For instance, just as it is a fact that negative advertising works, part of the reason is because it depresses turnout, a negative phenomenon that Kari's theory doesn't even consider. Most of the scholars on voting I've read do.

    Kari's theory also depends on his unsupported assertion that third parties would chose to endorse one of the two major party candidates in the general. Of course why should they? I think it's clear to anybody that human nature is such that they would prefer to advocate their own position right up until the general election. At the same time, there is no plausible argument that is compatible with human psychology of politics that a major party candidate will repudiate his or her party's values and will promise anything more than just enough support for the values and goals of a minor party. The path to 50% plus 1 is accomplished more easily in reality by discouraging the opposing candidate's supposed third party allies from voting (mainly by reminding them they are just being used) and behaving venally enough to get the bare minimum of support from whatever third party voters are most easily swayed. Candidates who can do that I think lack an essential character integrity and I would not be alone in voting against them in the primary itself.

    What Kari really is doing here is making an arrogant argument of entitlement However, there is no need to attribute his argument to any kind of malice when the simpler argument he just doesn't know any better suffices. He is a partisan for one of the two parties that will place a candidate in the general in any contested race. His argument from the get-go disrespects the right of third parties to argue their own case right up to November. Instead he' s making the argument older siblings make that a nickel is worth more than a dime to swindle their younger siblings out of 50% of their allowance. The sad thing is Kari may really believe in his fantasy about human nature and politics because he is not a supporter of a third party AND he has chosen to actually identify with the corrupt mainstream of one of the two major parties. Full disclosure is simply making an apology when in fact the real problem is the need to make an apology at all.

    I'm not a member of a minor party nor do I support IRV because as long as we are talking about unlikely eventualities, I support proportional representation. However, I do respect the right of people in minor parties to be a spoiler in the general election if they feel their values have been disrespected. That means respecting their right to tell their story themselves right up until November, and leaving the decision up to them, rather then forcing them threw a discriminatory primary system that poor excuses for leaders like Keisling and Roberts are cynically trying to mislead people into supporting, to throw their endorsement in the general to a major party candidate.

  • Voting No On 65 (unverified)
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    For those who want the Reader's Digest version of the above: Kari's arguments in support of M65 depend on candidates doing something that is at best in tension with human nature to bring an simulacrum of fairness into the system. Genuinely fair systems are fair because of their structure and despite the perversity of human nature and the behavior of individual candidates. Fantasies about how M65 will weaken parties are just that, based on our tendency to believe our own rationalizations.

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    Rulial said:

      In fact, because minor parties need to earn 1% in the general election to maintain legal recognition

    Kari said:

      That should be fixed. It should be 1% in the May election.

    Let's not forget, that's one of two ways a party can stay qualified. The other is to have over (roughly) 10,000 registered members. Several minor parties qualify on that basis. As of September, Libertarian and Independent easily qualify by that criterion; Pacific Green is very close; and Working Families and Constitution are well below that number.

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    It's worth mentioning that the Greens would have more than the 0.5% membership (roughly 10,500 voters) required to maintain ballot access if 25% of their members had not left in the last 12 months to vote in the Democratic Primary.

    Even some opponents of the measure, such as Dan Meek, agree that it will be easier for minor parties to hit the membership requirement since members will no longer be re-registering to vote in partisan primaries.

    With regard to IRV, the House and Senate Elections and Rules committee, at the request of (likely) incoming SOS Kate Brown, adopted a local IRV measure as a committee bill last week.

    Kari's theory also depends on his unsupported assertion that third parties would chose to endorse one of the two major party candidates in the general. Of course why should they? I think it's clear to anybody that human nature is such that they would prefer to advocate their own position right up until the general election.

    Of course, this is not an "unsupported assertion".

    We already know that two minor parties in Oregon took the SOS to court in order to have their cross-nominations printed on the ballot this past August. No fewer than 6 major party candidates were cross-nominated in Oregon during the 2008 election cycle.

    A minor political party might choose to cross-nominate a candidate for any number of reasons. For example, to build support for a political agenda, or because candidates from one or the other major political parties are otherwise running on a platform that is consistent with the values of the minor party in question.

  • Bill R. (unverified)
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    I voted against 65. But I bet it passes. Oregon voters like the idea of non-partisan elections. They like to "falsely" think of themselves as being non-partisan.

  • Bill R. (unverified)
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    Another reason I think 65 will pass. The Obama campaign has been centered on a post-partisan America. The economic meltdown and the divisive, gutter campaign of McCain/Palin has played right into Obama's strategy. Next Wed. evening, when Obama does the half hour program on national television, we're going to get a full dose of what a united America looks like in facing a national crisis. It will play well, just as the Michelle Bachman politics and McCain robo-calls are going down the toilet.

    Americans are sick of this crap of Willie Horton/Lee Atwaters/Karl Rove politics we have had over the past couple decades. So I think Oregonians, rightly or wrongly are going to see a non-partisan primary as being a step in that direction.

  • Eric Parker (unverified)
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    For many average people, if you can't explain the whole idea in a nutshell in 1 sentence or less, they will just throw up thier hands and proclaim 'what's the point?'

    This is why we are having such a debate on M65 - we are alln trying to explain the measure in a nutshell, but it just can not be done with the ideas involved.

    I voted NO simply because, even though I understand the principals and the thoery involved, many other average people can not (especially grasping the theory) because it is not 'streamlined' enough theororetically (sp) to get the point across. This is why some say that is it a 'solution looking for a problem'

    Bottom line - if it is confusing now, why vote Yes on it and make it even more confusing when we get to the next election that will use it? Many will vote No because if you can't explain it without a scorecard to decipher it, it is not worth it.

  • Voting No on 65 (unverified)
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    Of course, this is not an "unsupported assertion". We already know that two minor parties in Oregon took the SOS to court in order to have their cross-nominations printed on the ballot this past August. No fewer than 6 major party candidates were cross-nominated in Oregon during the 2008 election cycle.

    Sal Peralta provides a nice example of what is known as the fallacy of hasty generalization. In general, you can disprove a point with counterexamples, but you can't prove a point with anecdotal examples. Particularly when several of those counterexamples are of a party who includes cross-nomination as a party principle. Furthermore, one of those counterexamples --- I presume he includes Kroger --- came about as a result of quirky circumstances and there is some reasonable debate whether Kroger is a better Republican than he is a Democrat. It's always nice when someone presenting arguments for a proposition provides the reasons to discount their own arguments.

    It very will may be that more parties would choose to cross-nominate if forced to do it by the system. But that's the main point that can't be rebutted by Sal's counter-example: The system would be forcing that behavior rather than allowing them to make the choice of running their own candidate in the general election or supporting another candidate.

    Bill R's right: Oregonians do "like to 'falsely' think of themselves as being non-partisan". The problem is that they don't even now what it means to be non-partisan, and many also confuse "partisan" with "party". Many Oregonians nominally on the left or right really just want their own individual way and they call that "non-partisan". I have to disagree a bit about what we see with Obama (who I voted for). He has provided an interesting modern example of a certain type of political tactician who is no means unique, even in our party system. He has carefully said what he thinks he needs to say to be elected, even if it is fairly vague and in fact is inconsistent, while carefully choreographing his public appearance in a more skilled way as an actor than even Reagan. It remains to be seen how many in the end will be pleased with his actual performance in office and why. Apparently enough were satisfied with the Shrub's first performance to vote to give him a second, even as they rate him low now for reasons that have nothing to do with his "partisanship".

  • Steve Bucknum (unverified)
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    Well Kari - its an argument - but you still overlook that one fact I can't overlook.

    Come November, there will only be two candidates on the ballot. Not three, four or more, only two.

    Two is still less than three, or four, or more.

    Limiting choices pretty much will seal the fate of any minor party candidate. Rather than gradually rising as a party , candidates for any minority party will have to do so alone on a primary ballot. So, while one candidate might win in some district by force of personality, or ability to articulate a winning policy position - it does not translate to a PARTY having a place in the electoral process.

    Where are we when we are all independent voters? We will be taking the legs out from under all parties, the big ones and the little ones. Every man/woman for themselves.

    It just isn't right to set up a system that undermines such a fundamental balance of power between the individual and the ability to form meaningful groups to advocate for change in our government. Without meaningful group power, we stand alone and naked before the power and might of our government.

    Kari - bottom line, its a return to a near feudal system.

    If the problem you would like to fix is that minor parties don't get on the primary ballot - well fix that problem. At best this is an indirect solution to that problem, but one that in turn creates worse problems.

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    Voting No: I am not making an instantial generalization. I am merely pointing out that Kari's assertion that minor parties cross-nominate is not "unsupported". It is in fact supported by evidence from Oregon in the current election cycle.

    With regard to some of your other points...

    The six races I referred to do not include John Kroger. If we include cross-nominations by the major political parties, we see that there is NOTHING unusual about cross-nominations in Oregon. Nearly half of all candidate races in 2008 involve people who have been cross-nominated.

    The working families party only cross-nominated one person in 2008, Peter Buckley.

    As for the 10-second "elevator description" that Eric mentioned:

    "Measure 65 will allow every Oregon voter to vote for their favorite candidates in the primary. The top two candidates will advance to the general election."

    Also apropos of Eric's comment: I think the reason we are debating this is that there are many people who don't like the idea of weakening the control that the major parties have over Oregon's nominating process for public office, and there are those who are equally passionate about opening Oregon's primary election to all voters.

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    Kari Chisholm: [W]hy the heck do Dan Meek (of the IPO), the Pacific Green, Peace, and Libertarian parties oppose M65? I'm willing to bet it's because they will no longer be able to limit which candidates file for office under their banner. It's a control thing.

    I've had my differences with Mr. Meek in the past, largely because as a member of the ALCU, I thought his campaign finance reform went too far in limiting free speech. But I have never cast aspersions on his motivations, as you do here Kari. And frankly, given how the kook left loves to attack your motivations, I never expected this from you. I think this argument is beneath you.

    Besides, your argument makes no sense. M65 doesn't prevent third parties from using the "smoke filled room" system of selecting candidates, it expands that system to the major parties. The critical "Endorsed By" tag will be decided, not by the rank and file of the party in an open election, but by a closed system run and paid for by party insiders.

    And this isn't some theoretical problem. It's going to happen in 2010 after Governor Kulongoski steps down. Congressman Peter DeFazio might run. Secretary of State Bill Bradbury is certainly going to run. Lesser known State Treasurer Jim Hill and Commissioner Pete Sorenson might run. Pavel Goberman, and other kooks will certainly run, as will several rightwing "operation chaos" type dittoheads. So who, in this confusing ballot of "Democrats", is the actual nominated (endorsed) Democrat? The one all the voters will pick?

    Because the DPO doesn't have the money to do it any other way, that will nearly certainly be decided in the State Central committee meeting. And with two strong candidates like SoS Bradbury and Congressman DeFazio, there will be proverbial blood on the floor.

    And that's just us. Democrats, who try to be fair. Can you imagine what the GOP nominating process is going to look like?

    I'm sorry, Kari, but you're wrong on this one. This law doesn't make things better. It makes them worse.

  • Joel H (unverified)
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    Sidenote: So, why the heck do Dan Meek (of the IPO), the Pacific Green, Peace, and Libertarian parties oppose M65? I'm willing to bet it's because they will no longer be able to limit which candidates file for office under their banner. It's a control thing.

    I think you're wrong, and there are other, more important issues that others here have identified, but is there something wrong with this? Should just anyone be able to run under any party's name regardless of whether they actually represent the party? That doesn't seem right to me.

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    Steve B - If being guaranteed a spot on the general election ballot along with both major parties is a recipe for electoral success for minor parties, then why has no minor party candidate won a legislative or statewide office in more than 100 years?

    Have you ever been registered as a member of a minor political party?

  • Bill R. (unverified)
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    It would be interesting to see if rural voters under 65 might become less captive of the Republican party.

    Here's an interesting news release today. Sorry but I don't have the link, it's from Rural Strategies:

    "After trailing by 10 points in U.S. rural areas, Democrat Barack Obama is neck-and-neck with Republican John McCain among rural voters in 13 swing states, a potentially key group for winning the White House, according to a poll released on Thursday.

    Obama was supported by 46 percent and McCain by 45 percent of 841 likely voters surveyed from October 5-21, as U.S. financial turmoil deepened, according to the poll commissioned by the nonpartisan Center for Rural Strategies in Whitesburg, Kentucky.

    A month ago, the poll showed McCain led 51-41. This time, respondents said Obama would do better than McCain on the economy, taxes and "the financial crisis in the country."

    Nearly 20 percent of Americans live in rural areas. They tend to be social and fiscal conservatives. President George W. Bush won rural districts nationwide by 19 points in 2004."

  • Eric Parker (unverified)
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    I personally think that there there is no weakening of any party control here. All M65 does (in thoery) is shift the spoiler role of a 3rd candidate from the general to the primary - thus eliminating the 'uncertaincy principle' a 3rd candidate in the general. We still will have minor parties, but they would be more active during the primary than the general.

    Now...if we could just apply this 'top two' stuff to the BCS...

  • Sunnyside (unverified)
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    I'm still unsure how the example Kari laid out is empowering to third parties (any more than say, fusion voting would be). And what concerns me more is the scenario placed in a comment from the City Club debate: Hypothetical (posed at the City Club debate): four Democrats and two Republicans run for Governor, all of whom have decent support from their respective parties. Say that 60% would vote D, and 40% would vote R, and those votes are split evenly. The four Ds each get 15% of the vote in the primary, and the two Rs each get 20% of the vote in the primary. For the general election, we'd get to decide between which of the Rs would be governor.

    How does that outcome help third parties, OR the majority of voters?

  • Bah (unverified)
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    Sunnyside, that's a hell of a boring governor's race you described. Are Oregon voters really that apathetic.

  • joel dan walls (unverified)
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    Sorry, but no thanks:

    --This measure would keep minor parties off the general-election ballot. I call BS on that. --I'm fed up with the way this measure has been sold as a way to allegedly push candidates away from 'extremes' and towards the 'center'. IMHO our ideological choices are already few. I WANT clear ideological choices on the ballot.

  • rural resident (unverified)
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    Kari, your support of M65 seem to boil down to two main arguments:

    1. We should allow minor party candidates to have their say -- but in the primaries, rather than in the general election. We'll allow them to compete, but only so long as they don't get to mess up the really IMPORTANT election in the fall. (Sort of like Michele Wie playing in the opening rounds of men's PGA events but missing the cut and not playing in the final rounds when the TV cameras are on.) With a M65 system, the little kids can play for a while. But once things get serious, they'll have to get out of the gym so the big kids can play.

    2. The minor parties' can become players by endorsing one of the two major party candidates. It just doesn't make sense for them to field candidates embodying their particular point of view, since they aren't going make it to the general election ballot anyway.

    First, it's the possibility of being a spoiler in the general election that focuses at least some attention on the minor parties. It forces the candidates of the two major parties to not completely neglect the center, or, if they're being too moderate, to pay some attention to other elements of the political spectrum. Most people pay much more attention to the general election than they do to the primaries. It may be more convenient for the Dems and Rs to rid themselves of these troubling elements before the start of the varsity game, but I'm not sure that it's the best thing for the political process. Remember that if this system had been in place at the national level in 1992, Bill Clinton might well not have been elected. Ross Perot peeled off a lot of votes from GHWB. His presence in that election certainly wasn't "minor." The potential presence of properly positioned third parties in the general election at least makes the major parties a little more attentive.

    As far as the second argument goes, if the only role of a third party is to sprinkle holy water on either the Democratic or Republican candidate, what's the point? People run as third party candidates because the positions taken by the major party candidates don't represent their world view. It's a way to put forth new ways of looking at things, and to advocate for what seem in the moment to be "wild eyed ideas" that often become mainstream later on. Why would they want to line up behind someone they disagree with? If they wanted to do that, they could just campaign for that candidate in the first place.

    On the other hand, there could be a mischievous element in a M65 world. Endorsements could become a weapon. (If you, Mr. R, don't take the correct position on my issue, I, the Militant Right Wing Separatist Party candidate, will plant the kiss of death on your cheek by officially endorsing you.) I'm not sure this is what we want, but it could be an unintended consequence.

  • Jeffrey (unverified)
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    So who, in this confusing ballot of "Democrats", is the actual nominated (endorsed) Democrat? The one all the voters will pick?

    Yes. Thankfully, the "endorsed" label will mean very little, and less over time. Especially in the Governor's race you describe: name recognition and endorsements of fellow Democrats (NOT "endorsed by the party") will be everything. Kari's right -- it's a control thing and some powerful interests will loose control with M65.

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    (If you, Mr. R, don't take the correct position on my issue, I, the Militant Right Wing Separatist Party candidate, will plant the kiss of death on your cheek by officially endorsing you.) I'm not sure this is what we want, but it could be an unintended consequence.

    Actually, there is zero possibility of the scenario you are describing, either under current Oregon law or under Measure 65. Under M65, a candidate must accept a party's endorsement for the endorsement to be recognized, just as they must accept a nomination under current election law.

    I'll repeat a question I asked Steve Bucknum: If the current system is so much more favorable to minor political parties than the top two under M65, then why has no minor party candidate been elected to statewide or legislative office in more than 100 years?

    Personally, I think that one of the reasons why some folks oppose the measure is because they are worried that minor party candidates will make the top-two.

  • LT (unverified)
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    Sunnyside, 6 people with support from their respective parties but nothing about them as individuals?

    There are years when straight party voters vote for one person of the other party--Dave Frohnmayer for AG comes to mind.

    They voted for DAVE, not for "the candidate of the GOP".

    Your hypothetical says nothing about the actual individuals running. People should vote on 65 based on parties because individuals are not part of the equation?

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    I like fusion voting. I support fusion voting for the reasons Kari spells out.

    This is not fusion voting. This is getting the benefits of fusion voting in a crazy, roundabout fashion.

    <hr/>

    Kari says candidates will be "grateful" to the spoilers. Kari, that is just silly. It all depends on how the spoiling works. If a Liberatarian and Constitutional party candidate end up knocking off a Republican so that a Green party candidate is facing off against a Democrat in the general, do you really want to argue that the Democrat or Greenie will suddenly become a Libertarian?

    --

    I know some folks just hate actual data, but the number of third parties on the Washington general election ballot dropped 80% from 2004 to 2008 under the top two. Louisiana has NEVER had a third party candidate on the final ballot. NEVER EVER.

    Sal, the reason we have never had a third party candidate elected in Oregon has everything to do with the first past the post election system that we use, and nothing to do with the primaries.

  • LT (unverified)
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    Paul, Hope you have time to lobby the legislature about this, rather than just blogging.

    "I like fusion voting. I support fusion voting for the reasons Kari spells out."

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    Jeffery writes: Yes. Thankfully, the "endorsed" label will mean very little, and less over time. Especially in the Governor's race you describe: name recognition and endorsements of fellow Democrats (NOT "endorsed by the party") will be everything. Kari's right -- it's a control thing and some powerful interests will loose control with M65.

    I agree that part one of your argument may come to pass.

    But I completely disagree with part two. Voters always rely on shortcuts and simplifying mechanisms to help them make sense of the political world.

    Some would like to argue that people will vote for the individual and not the party, but that is just not an accurate description of how the vast majority of voters cast their ballots.

    When you remove the party label, voters look elsewhere. We have an awful lot of evidence on this from many, many states over many many years studying referenda and initiatives and non-partisan elections.

    You know where they end up looking? Interest groups. Yep. Those same powerful monied interests that people are so worried about.

    The three main sources of political cues for voters are a) political parties, b) interest groups, and c) the mass media.

    You may hope by removing (a) from the equation that you suddenly will transform the electorate into reflective, well-informed, "independent" voters. Oregon may be so special and unique that we can buck the trend.

    But a few hundred years of experience with democracy in 50 states and dozens of countries says says that argument is wrong.

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    Jeffrey: Thankfully, the "endorsed" label will mean very little, and less over time. Especially in the Governor's race you describe: name recognition and endorsements of fellow Democrats (NOT "endorsed by the party") will be everything.

    And you base this opinion on what, precisely? There is a reason why Louisiana got rid of its jungle primary system, after all. It exacerbates the problem with insiders and corruption.

    But you're right in at least one respect: the upcoming 2010 Governor's race will be the least worst example of this terrible law, because at least Bradbury and DeFazio are already well known.

    It will be in races between talented unknowns when the true ugliness of a jungle primary will show itself. The tight race between Mike Bohan and Tobias Read, for example, that was settled in 2006 by a difference of less than 100 votes, would, under M65, have been settled instead by a bunch of party insiders applying that label you pretend doesn't matter.

    Here's some advice: don't vote for a law based on ignorance and general hostility toward politics. You can just as easily make things worse as make them better.

  • Rulial (unverified)
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    Sal Peralta asks:

    I'll repeat a question I asked Steve Bucknum: If the current system is so much more favorable to minor political parties than the top two under M65, then why has no minor party candidate been elected to statewide or legislative office in more than 100 years?
    Measure 65 opponents argue that 65 would be even worse for minor parties than the currently-broken status quo, not that the status quo is good at all for minor parties.

    What's worse, and what really makes me upset, is that if this measure fails, some will spin it as an endorsement of the old system. If we try another reform (e.g. instant-runoff voting), some people will say "Oregonians voted to keep the old system. Why are you disrespecting their decision?" It's so frustrating.

    I wish there was a way to vote against Measure 65 but still indicate displeasure with the current system.

  • Jeremy Rogers (unverified)
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    I have a hard time with the idea that minor parties and minor party voters are well served by the current system. They almost never win and contrary to their own belief they rarely influence the major party candidates except for being spoilers. Under 65, there is a legit chance that a minor party candidate could reach the general and actually be competitive, particularly in legislative races. And they get equal treatment in the primary so its not like M65 is discriminating against them.

    Can anyone honestly say that minor parties have a major influence under our current system?

  • George Seldes (unverified)
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    @ Sal P.: The answer to your question about why no minor party winners is that we use an antiquated and inadequate plurality voting system where each voter only gets to make one selection rather than a system that lets the voters express their preferences completely by ranking the candidates in order of preference (hence the name "preference voting," explicitly allowed in the Oregon Constitution).

    Political scientists cite Duverger's Law: "The existing "winner-take-all" electoral system in the United States makes it incredibly difficult, although not impossible, for any non-incumbent party to receive more than single-digit support in a race contested by the two incumbent parties. Political scientists call this loaded-dice effect "Duverger's Law."" (http://is.gd/4E6g)

    If we used preference voting to select office-holders (as Pierce County, Washington, is doing this election, as San Francisco will do for the fifth time, and as many nations around the world do) we would actually see the benefits being ascribed to Measure 65: a reduction in extreme rhetoric and a boost for minor parties without harm to the majors.

    Even better, by using the preference voting system that our Constitution already provides for, we would see shorter campaigns with more choices and an elimination of any need for voters to make strategic choices about who to support in the primary -- parties would simply use whatever system desired to pick their nominee and then voters can vote their choices without any fear of "spoiling" or winding up with two unpalatable choices as their only choices in the general election. There have been numerous stories about the healthy effect that preference voting has on campaigns, because candidates can't afford to run negatively when they want the second and third-choice votes of voters' who gave their first-choice votes to someone else.

    Make no mistake, Measure 65 is about REDUCING voter choices while preserving the worst aspects of the status quo: domination by the majors, marginalization of minor parties, enhancing the role of money, etc.

    It's quite telling that M65 is getting all this support just as the GOP is fast waning in power. Just like the R's were all for term limits until they succeeded in overthrowing Democratic dominance in state house and Congress, now they want a system to ensure that they don't get replaced as the alternative to the Democratic Party. By hobbling minor parties with the Cajun Primary system (top two), the Republicans in Oregon can avoid going the way of the Whigs for a while longer, coasting on the favored status provided by top-two.

    As for the original argument in this thread, it's simply nonsense. I trust the members of the various flocks of chickens to know what's good for chickens much more than I trust a fox when he says that leaving the coops unlocked is good for chickens.

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    I have never understood the arguments of the minor parties on this one. It makes no sense what-so-ever. They will be on the primary ballot which they are not now and have a real chance of being on the general in certain districts. A Green party candidate will pick up more votes in inner east Portland than Republicans. Same goes for the Constitution party in some rural areas of Oregon.

    In fact the case that the anti 65 folks keep pushing is that David Duke got elected in Louisiana because of the open primary. Duke was a minor party candidate. You can't have it both ways.

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    Paul - I do not disagree that the "winner-take-all" system is tougher on minor parties than parliamentary elections.

    However, given that we have a winner-take-all system, I would argue that the biggest obstacle to minor party candidates getting elected is party identification. If 60 percent of Democrats and 60 percent of Republicans vote for a straight party ticket, that leaves very little room for a third party candidate to play in.

    That metric changes significantly in a one-on-one race.

    First, because many voters will cross-over to vote for a minor party candidate who would not do so to vote for a candidate of the "wrong" major party (Think: San Francisco Mayoral Race, Eugene Mayoral Race, Perot in 1992, et al).

    Second, because it creates the opportunity for the minor party candidate to emerge as the de facto candidate of the weaker major party. Those straight-ticket Republicans or Democrats will "need a place to go" if there is not a member of their party on the general election ballot.

    Where they are likely to go is towards the candidate whose views are perceived to align most closely with their own, which is why I believe that given the right positioning, at least some minor parties will thrive under the open primary. This same principle applies to major parties as well, which is why Keisling and Paulus believe that the Open Primary will have a moderating effect on our legislature.

  • Fair and Balanced (unverified)
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    There is a fatal flaw in M65 that posters here seem to have missed. That is, if one of the top two candidates drop out/die/move away after the primary, there is no mechanism to replace that person other than go to the next highest vote-getter. So if David Democrat gets 95% of the primary vote for Senator, and Radical Ron Republican gets 4% and Lou Libertarian gets 1%, the general election pits Ron against Lou. This hugely Democratic district will be represented by a wingnut R for the next four years. There are some other technical problems too.

    Any possible advantage to this experiment is trumped by the dire consequences of this scenario.

  • zull (unverified)
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    And here's another argument against that: It doesn't strengthen third parties nearly enough to make a difference...but it certainly does make it really, really easy for the vote to be split. All Republicans (or Democrats...but honestly, do you really think they'll try this?) need to do to take a seat is to trump up a third party candidate and they can probably split off enough votes in some districts to win elections for their candidate by a minority of the vote. Yes, it's nice that we feel strongly for third parties, but this isn't enough to make that argument even worthwhile. Third parties would need to get a whole lot more funding from the national level to compete, or really strict election finance reform to compete on a level battleground...and mandatory equal media coverage to even make a dent. Helping them out peripherally like this at the expense of making it really, really easy to game the system is just shooting yourself in the foot.

  • George Seldes (unverified)
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    @ Sal P: Preference voting IS a winner-take-all method, and one that provides a majority choice naturally rather than through the artificial and expensive mechanism of a top-two runoff. There's no such thing as a "parliamentary" election method -- Britain's parliament is elected, for example, using the same plurality system we use here (we got our system from them - funny how we would never tolerate being treated with 17th Century medicine but don't mind continuing to use a 17th Century voting method that was designed to serve the interests of the propertied few who voted).

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    Sal Peralta:[I]t creates the opportunity for the minor party candidate to emerge as the de facto candidate of the weaker major party.

    And this has actually happened, when KKK leader David Duke won in Louisiana against a weakened mainstream GOP candidate who wasn't considered conservative enough, and in France in 2002 when the ultra rightist National Front leader Le Pen came in second against rightist Jacques Chirac because the French liberals split their votes among several candidates.

    Luckily, however, this didn't actually "strengthen" these fringe right third parties, as both candidates who squeaked in under this broken election system were subsequently crushed in landslides to their mainstream opponents, a convicted felon and strong conservative respectively.

  • Joe #1 Wingnut (unverified)
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    Sold me! .

    "VOTE for the Squirrel Party Ticket - We'll put a NUT in every Nest"

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    And this has actually happened, when KKK leader David Duke won in Louisiana...

    Ugh. David Duke lost.

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    Steven Maurer wrote...

    I've had my differences with Mr. Meek in the past, largely because as a member of the ALCU, I thought his campaign finance reform went too far in limiting free speech. But I have never cast aspersions on his motivations, as you do here Kari. And frankly, given how the kook left loves to attack your motivations, I never expected this from you. I think this argument is beneath you.

    Well, I guess I didn't see my statement as some horrible slam on his ethics. I'm claiming that he and other minor party leaders are self-interested, but that's not really that unusual in politics.

    Steven Maurer wrote...

    M65 doesn't prevent third parties from using the "smoke filled room" system of selecting candidates, it expands that system to the major parties. The critical "Endorsed By" tag will be decided, not by the rank and file of the party in an open election, but by a closed system run and paid for by party insiders.

    Well, I suppose it depends on how valuable you think that 'endorsed by' tag is.

    To me, ballot access itself is the key thing - not the endorsement tag. Right now, if a person wants to run as the candidate of a particular minor-party, but they're cross-wise with that minor party's leadership, they have ZERO access to the ballot. (Other than changing parties or going independent.)

    Because the DPO doesn't have the money to do it any other way, that will nearly certainly be decided in the State Central committee meeting.

    I don't have a problem with a caucus system for the endorsement tag. It'll be a huge party-building organizing tool.

    All other candidates still have ballot access, if they want it. Sure, some will drop out - but others won't. (See Minnesota for an example of how this works. There, the party almost always does an endorsement pre-primary.)

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    Fortunately, Oregon is not France or Louisiana. We have at least 2 moderate minor political parties, and are not "blessed" with a 15 percent voting bloc for the Klan.

    If the bad outcomes some folks suggest will result from this measure were remotely valid, there would be no need to keep bringing up David Duke, and the OEA would not have had to spend tens of thousands on a mailer trying to link Bill Sizemore to Measure 65.

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    Kari asks why I oppose Measure 65 and then ascribes to me a sinister motive of being a minor party big shot (if such a thing is possible) who wants to maintain control of a minor party.

    Kari's description of 3 people alone making nominating decisions certainly does not apply to the Independent Party. We conducted an online election over a period of 2 months, where every registered member of the party could vote to elect representatives to a 5-person State Caucus to make nominating and endorsement decisions. I do not know how the Constitution or Working Families parties make their decisions. The Pacific Green Party held a series of nominating conventions around the state. The Peace Party had to file its nomination of Ralph Nader within a couple of days of being certified as a minor party, so I assume that decision was made by a limited number of insiders there.

    Further, Measure 65 will not significantly reduce the power of minor party insiders. I believe that voters will sort through the multitude of candidates on the ballot for each office (at least the statewide ones) and will be heavily influenced by the party endorsement notations. Under Measure 65, any major or minor party can place on the ballot its endorsement of any number of candidates for any office governed by Measure 65. Measure 65 specifies no process for determining the endorsements, leaving it to ... the evil party insiders.

    So my limited influence will not be affected a lot. But the influence of Democrat and Republican voters will be mostly transferred to Democrat and Republican party insiders, who will almost certainly be the ones who decide which single candidate each of the major parties endorses in each race. Others have noted why a major party would be suicidal not to limit its endorsement to a single candidate in each race. Instead of having voters decide each major party's nominee, the nominee will, in effect, be chosen by party insiders prior to the primary.

    As for Measure 65, here are some other reasons I oppose it. Measure 65 will destroy most of Oregon's minor political parties, reduce voter choices, confuse the ballots, reward dirty politicking, and fail to achieve the stated purpose of its sponsors: to elect more moderate candidates to partisan offices.

    Measure 65 Destroys Most Minor Parties

    Today, Oregon's six minor parties can provide good alternatives to Democratic and Republican candidates in the general election. But Measure 65, the "top two primary" on the November ballot, effectively abolishes the Pacific Green, Constitution, Working Families, and Peace parties by removing their legal basis (getting 1% of the vote in the previous statewide general election). Under Measure 65, these 4 minor parties will cease to exist as of November 2010. Each can continue to exist after that only if it has increased its registered membership to about 10,500 ( ½ of 1% of all Oregon registered voters). The Constitution and Working families would need to increase their memberships by a factor of 4 or 5. The Peace Party would need to increase by a factor of 100. The Pacific Green Party would need a 25% expansion of membership.

    Measure 65 is intended by its sponsors to remove all minor-party and citizen-sponsored candidates from the general election ballot, including those supported by tens of thousands of voter signatures.

    Remaining Parties Subject to Identify Theft

    Under Measure 65, any resident can register as, say, a Democrat (up to the 70th day before the primary election) and immediately file as a candidate, with "Registered: Democratic" next to his name on the ballot. That person might be a Nazi, a Communist, a convicted child molester, you name it. Any political party can have its identity stolen in this way by complete strangers who suddenly take the party's name on the primary ballot.

    Measure 65 will thus force minor parties to endorse candidates they don't agree with, just to oppose the strangers on the ballot suddenly displaying their party names. Minor parties currently don't field candidates for every partisan office, rarely nominating more than a few candidates for the 75 races for the Oregon Legislature, for example. To avoid having their party labels hijacked by strangers, each minor party will be forced to endorse major-party candidates in those races, even if they differ with the minor party on the issues. This will further erode the identity of each minor party, which is usually based on a coherent, but not “mainstream,” political philosophy.

    Each major or minor party will fight the resulting confusion by endorsing a candidate in each race, since Measure 65 also allows party endorsements to appear on the ballot. No party would want to endorse more than one candidate per race, as that would split the votes of the party faithful and harm its endorsed candidates' chances to finish in the "top two" and advance to the general election. If voters were to follow these party endorsements, Measure 65 will, in effect, replace the major-party primaries with backroom endorsement deals.�

    The "Ringer" Primary

    Under Measure 65, primary elections could become a game of "ringers," with political consultants recruiting candidates just to split the votes of the other parties. Republican consultants could recruit people to register and file as "Democratic" candidates, splitting the Democratic vote. Democrats could recruit phony "Republicans." Both of them could recruit phony "Independents" and phony "Libertarians," further increasing the party identity theft.

    Expect a confusing ballot, with a dozen or more candidates for each major office who are "Registered" and/or "Endorsed" the surviving parties. In primary elections since 1979 in Louisiana, the only state where the Measure 65 system has operated for a full election cycle, there have been nine, nine, eight, 12, 16, 11, 17, and 12 candidates on the ballot for governor alone.

    Not Necessarily Advance Moderate Candidates

    Measure 65 will not necessarily achieve the stated goal of its supporters--to advance moderate candidates to the general election. In Louisiana, it has advanced extremists, as the moderate vote is split among several moderate candidates in the primary. Ku Klux Clan leader David Duke has twice advanced to the statewide Louisiana general election. Of the 16 candidates for Governor in 1995, the top two (with 26% and 19% of the vote in the primary) were the two considered most extreme by conventional political observers. The organization FairVote states:

    A Republican state legislator, Duke ran a strong second in the 1990 U.S. Senate election and gained a spot in the runoff election in the governor's race in 1991. In that 1991 runoff, he faced Edwin Edwards, a former governor with a history of suspected corruption. Indicating the polarized nature of the choice between Duke and Edwards, a popular bumper sticker in favor of Edwards was: "Vote the Crook: It's Important."

    In the 1995 governor's race, sixteen candidates ran in the opening round, including four major candidates who ultimately won at least 18% of the vote. The two most ideologically extreme major candidates were Mike Foster, a conservative Republican who earned Pat Buchanan's endorsement and inherited much of David Duke's constituency, and Cleo Fields. a leading liberal Democrat in the Congressional Black Caucus. They advanced to the runoff election with a combined vote of only 45% of votes casts, with the more centrist vote split among other candidates. Foster ultimately was elected in the runoff election.

    A Louisiana-style nonpartisan primary easily can produce these kind of results because in a large field of candidates, the top two vote-getters can have relatively few votes. In a multi-candidate field, this rule tends to favor non-moderate candidates with the strongest core support that can be narrow rather than broad.

    Former Governor Edwards is currently serving a 10-year prison sentence for corruption.

    For more reading on this subject, see:

    http://www.nwprogressive.org/Special/Primary/ http://southerncrown.blogspot.com/2005/09/should-mississippi-change-its-primary.html http://southerncrown.blogspot.com/2004/10/will-washington-and-california-cross.html http://www.fairvote.org/irv/louisiana.htm

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    I feel good knowing that Paul G has already written down what immediately came to me in reading Kari's defense: if the main benefit to minor parties comes from fusion balloting, why don't we just go ahead and pass fusion as seems likely in 2009, and dispense with the rest of M65?

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    Sal asks, "why has no minor party candidate won a legislative or statewide office in more than 100 years?" That is an incomplete question. In 1930 independent (non-affiliated) candidate (who qualified for the ballot by voter petitions) Julius Meier won an overwhelming victory in the race for Governor of Oregon. He was the most progressive candidate, by far. Measure 65 also abolishes all citizen-petitioned candidates from the general election.

  • Steve Bucknum (unverified)
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    Sal writes, "Steve B - If being guaranteed a spot on the general election ballot along with both major parties is a recipe for electoral success for minor parties, then why has no minor party candidate won a legislative or statewide office in more than 100 years?"

    Julius Meier was an "independent", Governor of Oregon from 1931 to 1935. And for the record, Sylverter Pennoyer was a "Democrat People's" party member, Governor in the 1880's, and one of the Territorial Governors, John Gaines, was a Whig.

    If you don't have the facts, just make them up, right Sal?

  • Steve Bucknum (unverified)
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    And furthermore - other Independents

    1909 - W.J. Mariner, Oregon House 1909 - H.D. Norton, Senate 1911 - Tim Brownhall, House 1917 - Seymour Jones, House 1917 - Hermon Lewis, Senate 1919 - Walter Jones, Senate 1919 - Alex LaFollett, Senate 1919 - John Nickelsen, Senate

    I got bored, but you can check it out at http://www.sos.state.or.us/archives/legislative/histleg/statehood/statehood.htm

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    John Calhoun said, "Duke was a minor party candidate. You can't have it both ways."

    Wrong. Duke ran as a Republican in the top two primary both times he qualified to go forward to the general election (1990 US Senate race, 1991 Governor race).

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    Snarky response, Steve, considering that nothing you've just written actually refutes my statement.

    Julius Meier was not a minor party candidate.

    "Democrat (People's Party)" is a reflection of a post Civil War coalition that was folded into the Democratic Party in the Oregon and the Oklahoma Territories. The Whigs were a Major political party during Oregon's territorial years. And, not to belabor the point, last time I checked, the end of the 19th century, from whence the latter two of your examples are drawn, happened "more than 100 years" ago.

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    Steve, I think you are confusing non-affiliated candidates with candidates from a minor political party.

  • George Seldes (unverified)
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    Kari Chisholm writes:

    "Well, I suppose it depends on how valuable you think that 'endorsed by' tag is. To me, ballot access itself is the key thing - not the endorsement tag. Right now, if a person wants to run as the candidate of a particular minor-party, but they're cross-wise with that minor party's leadership, they have ZERO access to the ballot. (Other than changing parties or going independent.)"

    For a good article on the value of party identification, see this from the PI: http://is.gd/4F2L

    If M65 works as its proponents claim, then the "endorsed by" tag is vital, since the whole claimed benefit for M65 is allowing the most apathetic, least involved people in Oregon (the ones who have not affiliated with a political party) to help select the top-two finishers. These people will rely almost exclusively on "endorsed by" since they will have very little else to go on (unless you concede that all we're going to do if M65 passes is see the cost and length of campaigns skyrocket, both of which favors big business groups over grass roots candidates and progressives).

    Nobody has explained how these "independent" voters will find out about various candidates or what they will base their selections on if not party endorsement or massive advertising in the absence of party endorsement.

    And if Loren Parks decides to back Joe Blow and pours a bunch of money into Joe's campaign, Joe can do a little rough polling and find which party's line to run on and affiliate with the target party, and the party can't say boo about it, and will be put in the position of having to simultaneously boost Candidate A of the party while campaigning extra hard against Joe Blow. In other words, it puts parties in the position of damaging their brand because they are having to do "in public" what primaries are supposed to do "in private" -- let the party members sort out who is the best standard-bearer.

    Second, to say that "ballot access is the key thing" while supporting a measure that denies ballot access to all but the top-two finishers is bizarre if not Orwellian. "Ballot access" is generally not understood as a personal right of candidates, but it's judged by whether a state provides fair ballot access to all parties -- something M65 expressly does not.

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    Dan, under Measure 65, non-affiliated candidates will no longer need to petition the government in order to make the ballot. They will simply pay the filing fee as candidates running as members of major and minor political parties currently do.

    As to Julius Meier...

    He was recruited by both the Democrats and Republicans, and was presumably very well-funded as an heir to the Meier and Frank fortune. There is no reason to suppose that he would not have been among the top-two under the proposed Open Primary system. In fact, he would have been guaranteed a spot since the Republican nominee died shortly after the primary election.

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    TJ, you said:

      ...pass fusion as seems likely in 2009...

    On what basis do you say it seems likely? That goes against everything I've heard. Is there legislator planning to file such a bill? Anyone planning to put substantial effort or resources into advocating for it again?

    (I do believe that fusion would be an excellent add-on to Measure 65, and would be entirely compatible.)

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    Sal -- huh??

    Meier was decidedly not lobbied by the major parties. He would not have been on the May ballot -- the only reason that he ran was to carry the platform of his law partner, George W. Joseph, who died after the primary election. Meier had never run for office before.

  • LT (unverified)
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    George, about this:

    most apathetic, least involved people in Oregon (the ones who have not affiliated with a political party)<<

    First of all, my brother donated money to Kerry for Pres. when he was registered NAV. He later registered Dem. His life is too full to ever attend a party meeting. Was he apathetic until the day he signed the Dem. registration form? Yes, I know what you say is what textbooks say about NAV. But textbooks don't vote, individuals do.

    I was very active in the 1996 May US Senate primary, which I thought was bought by the DSCC candidate who had lots of money and very little ability to discuss issues. After that primary, I was disgusted with the Oregon Democratic Party no longer being a group I recognized in much the same way Colin Powell expressed his anger about the GOP on Meet the Press.

    So, I registered NAV. Then a friend introduced me to a 3rd party candidate for US Senate and I campaigned for that very bright person. 3rd party political events that year reminded me of when the Democratic Party still believed in grass roots politics. I didn't reregister Dem. until I decided I wanted to vote in the 2002 primary, so no, I was not a primary voter in 2000.

    According to your theory, from late May 1996 to March of 2002 I was one of those "most apathetic, least involved people " you talk about.

    I don't remember the details, but it seems like someone in recent years did a study on how many of those registered outside a major party were apathetic, and how many were either young people who saw no reason to choose a party, or people fed up with partisanship or with the political games they had seen as activists.

    George, I spent thousands of hours of volunteer time on party activities when I was on Dem. county, cong. district and state central committee, and who knows how many hours on Democratic campaigns from 1974-1996. But the minute I registered NAV I became apathetic?

    And some people wonder why the ordinary citizen finds activities other than party politics to be a more worthwhile use of time?

  • bird (unverified)
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    You disqualify yourself by being a member of one of the parties that is going to get the votes. This is classic disenfranchisement of the vote. You are suggesting adding limits to democracy. This is madness. I vote for the best candidate, or the least bad. I haven't had a chance to vote for the best candidate but for a few times in my life. You would prevent someone from having the chance? You do not believe in democracy if you can stomach it's elimination in such a drastic way. This is a good argument why the parties need to all go away for replacements that can get work done benefitting the people of the country instead of the institutions the people in the parties wish to represent. That is what is wrong with the country, inherent corruption in both our current parties. You are demonstrating it with wild abandon.

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    Seriously Kari? You're arguing that by preventing minor parties from advancing to the general election (which all evidence shows Measure 65 will do) we're somehow strengthening minor parties? Also, I find it interesting that you are suggesting that somehow this measure will enable Green Party voters to move the Democratic candidate to the left, when most proponents of the Top Two system say it will lead to more moderate representation. It must be one hell of a measure to do two completely opposite things at once!

    Anyways, your argument is based on the assumption that minor parties will only ever be able to play the spoiler role in the general election, and therefore are not constructive. While this may be true under the current system, there are plenty of reforms that could actually empower third parties to actually win office. Proportional representation or instant runoff voting are both reforms that would allow third party candidates to actually hold office.

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    You're arguing that by preventing minor parties from advancing to the general election (which all evidence shows Measure 65 will do) we're somehow strengthening minor parties?

    No. I'm arguing that we're giving minor parties the power to run candidates in the May election, and then serve as kingmakers in the general election by cross-endorsing. That strengthens them.

    Also, I find it interesting that you are suggesting that somehow this measure will enable Green Party voters to move the Democratic candidate to the left, when most proponents of the Top Two system say it will lead to more moderate representation. It must be one hell of a measure to do two completely opposite things at once!

    Yup, well, never let it be said that I go along with the crowd! More to the point, I think it empowers any minor party (with substantial support) to move the result in their direction. If that minor party is on the outside of the spectrum, the result goes their way. If that minor party is in the middle, it'll go their way. In short, the results will more closely follow the electorate.

    Anyways, your argument is based on the assumption that minor parties will only ever be able to play the spoiler role in the general election, and therefore are not constructive. While this may be true under the current system...

    Exactly.

    ...there are plenty of reforms that could actually empower third parties to actually win office. Proportional representation or instant runoff voting are both reforms that would allow third party candidates to actually hold office.

    Agreed.

    I'm not claiming that M65 is the greatest reform ever conceived. But it is the one that we're voting on now.

    The question is NOT "is this the best we can do?" but rather "is this better than the status quo?"

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    "On what basis do you say it seems likely? That goes against everything I've heard. Is there legislator planning to file such a bill? Anyone planning to put substantial effort or resources into advocating for it again?"

    The current SoS was not ostensibly much of a fan of fusion, whereas the likely replacement is. It was pretty close already in 2007. I don't have anything on the record to say about it, but that's what I've been hearing, that Kate's support plus better info on costs to refute Lindback and the county clerks will get it over the hump.

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    And, just another reminder: I'm still undecided. And using BlueOregon to think out loud.

    I've got a good YES argument here, at least for me. But I've some good NO arguments banging around in my head, too -- some of them raised in the comments in this post and others.

  • LT (unverified)
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    Kari, thanks for this:

    The question is NOT "is this the best we can do?" but rather "is this better than the status quo?"

    And this might be a tie breaker for you:

    For all the debate here about the role of major and minor parties here, do you know people who are not active in party politics or politics generally? Your dentist or pediatrician, or the parents you may know of children the same age as your child, for instance?

    If so, ask them if you get a chance whether they vote for the party or for the person running.

    For all the debate here about the role of parties, most people I know vote for the individual --often on a first name basis. Like "You remember when I wouldn't vote for Mike? Thanks for telling me your stories about the people you might vote for and the people you refuse to vote for."

    Yes folks, at least in Salem, there are voters who have actually met the candidates either during or before an election year, who base their decision on the experience of knowing those people rather than on what party they belong to as candidates.

  • Sean D (unverified)
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    M65 isn't fusion voting, which would be helpful. Instead now we are not going to have primaries in Oregon. Look, neither the D's nor the R's will give up any chance to win right? Then, why would they submit more than one person to the primaries? They won't. They will make a defacto decision, and then we will be stuck voting in the generals with the R and the D. A lot of people honestly don't believe their votes will count if they vote for a minor party, and so will vote for the R or the D, on name alone.

    The only way this helps minority parties is if on the off chance a couple of R's or D's run splitting the vote. I honestly can't see this happening, and so the minority parties will be excluded from the general election, which a lot more people vote in, and people tend to spend more time researching the candidates.

    I am not saying that this can't work, just that due to the nature of politics, this won't work. And we will end up with people in the position without ever being vetted against people from their party.

  • LT (unverified)
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    One more thing:

    Under the current system, there was once a candidate who won the Democratic primary although when he had represented a rural district he had voted to the right of Norma Paulus. This bothered Salem residents enough to do an advertising campaign to re-elect LB Day against this Dem. nominee, and the tag line was "we say vote for LB Day" with the voice of a very famous local citizen.

    Back in those days (1980s, or late 1970s) there were no third parties. People in that case voted based on the individual, not the party. So why now is so much of the discussion about the role of parties?

    I thought about that when I read this in the Washington Post? Could it be that parties matter less than some people expect them to matter?

    http://voices.washingtonpost.com/the-trail/2008/10/23/mcclellan_endorses_obama.html?hpid=topnews Bipartisanship -- or lack of party loyalty, depending on your view -- is not new for McClellan. His mother, Texas politico Carole Keeton Strayhorn, was a Democrat until the 1980s, when she switched to the GOP. Strayhorn later ran as an independent against Republican Gov. Rick Perry.

  • Sean D (unverified)
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    Oh and I went to Willamette, and worked for Chuck Riley. Let me tell you: You are not voting for the person, you are voting for the party. You don't know these people personally,(even if you live and work on both sides of state st) you are voting on their policies, which are formed by the party they are affiliated with. And if you are not, that is a bad decision, because the only people in place to pull candidates back are people in their party, and they are only going to be held to the standards outlined by the party. So pretty much the only thing you are guaranteed to get is the candidate voting for the party's policies, unless the issue will directly benefit their constituents.

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    I hope that people who see Kari as a knee-jerk creature of the Democratic Party Establishment(tm) note the divergence of opinion here.

    Part of the leverage of fusion voting comes from the threat of being a spoiler, as well as the carrot of bringing additional support.

    Under genuine fusion I don't know if someone can reject a party nomination on their line, but the fact that a D or R could decline to have such cross-endorsement listed undermines the quasi-fusion argument for M65.

    In any case that argument goes against the argument that the top 2 system will produce more centrist candidates, in two ways. One is that such centrists would be more likely to reject cross-endorsement by parties labeled by others as "extreme." The other is that if the logic of the system is to push primary candidates to the center and centrist candidates to the second round, that logic would undercut the ability of small parties to influence the big ones by helping to bring good ideas from the margins to the mainstream. (That often happens when some spoiler problem becomes serious enough that a big party has to coopt an issue).

    Steve Bucknum here and elsewhere expresses very well my concerns about this contributing to the atomization of politics and reducing the value of my freedom to associate and work collectively to achieve common goals in the name of a kind of consumerist individualism. Individualism being too weak is not a problem in this country. Atomized individuals being rolled over by concentrated, organized, private collective power (corporations being private, undemocratic, collectives) is a problem.

    Joel Dan Walls expresses a view I share, to which I would add that in addition to the desirability of ideological or programmatic or policy choices in elections, we really need a broadening of our ideas debates. In the realm of ideas and those the mass mass media choose to mediate, we already suffer (I use the word advisedly) from something that all to often becomes a tyranny of the Center. Even when it's not tyrannical, the center is always apotheosized, flattered and portrayed as inherently superior when it is not. The country does not suffer from too little centrism.

    While it may be true that no third party candidate has won statewide or national office or legislative election in Oregon in a century (I don't know the latter for a fact), there have been movements in some respects like parties that have taken over big parties -- I'm thinking of the Commonwealth Federation and the Democrats during the 1930s mainly. I am not sure what M65 would do to prospects for something like that, say if the Working Families Party built itself up sufficiently, pulled the DP to its progressive economic issues because they gained popular traction, and eventually merged back in (a la Minnesota Farmer Labor Party re-merging with Democrats to form DFL in the 1940s).

    Oregon doesn't have a Le Pen style ultra-nationalist quasi-fascist right. I am not sure that the Klan functioned in any way as an organized force for David Duke in La.

    But Paul G. mentions Norma Paulus' unhappiness with far-right control of the RP as one of her reasons for putting forward M65. It does seem to me that Paul's analysis of how the top two system sometimes, not always, but sometimes, can work to favor extremists rather than centrists seems to me relevant to hard-right social conservatives in Oregon -- the current RP navigates between economic conservatives and social conservatives to produce people like Karen Minnis as dominant figures -- M65 raises the prospect of something like a revived OCA and Lon Mabon or his successor-in-spirit getting into the top two, at least.

    There's nothing really comparable on the left just now, but I suppose there could be.

    It also seems to make Oregon ripe at a higher level for the kind of "stealth" strategy that the Christian Coalition was promoting 10-15 years ago, mostly at more local levels & in non-partisan elections.

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    Kari Chisholm: Ugh. David Duke lost.

    While a top-two winner in the jungle primary, Duke did indeed lose in the general election - to a convicted felon. This is what I stated in my original post if you read it clearly. There was a pretty amusing little bumper sticker that came out during that period:

    Vote For The Crook. It's Important.

    Unfortunately, thanks to the jungle primary system, this wasn't just a joke. It was literally true.

    Kari Chisholm: Right now, if a person wants to run as the candidate of a particular minor-party, but they're cross-wise with that minor party's leadership, they have ZERO access to the ballot. (Other than changing parties or going independent.)

    Here you have a point. But I'm not sure that it naturally follows that forcing minor parties to accept candidates they don't like in any way strengthens them. Pavel Goberman hasn't just run as a Democrat and a Republican. He's run as a Libertarian and a Green as well. He's never attracted voters to any of his registered parties.

    Again, to me, the real way to strengthen third parties is through Fusion Voting. Again, I'm frankly amazed that the Courts declared statutes outlawing the practice to be Constitutional. The ability for a recognized political party to nominate whomever they want seems to me to be far more fundamental a right than our current system of legalized bribery.

  • George Seldes (unverified)
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    @ LT: Alas, when speaking of populations one must generalize. You are obviously quite involved and not apathetic at all, no matter what your affiliation status. And there is, no doubt, a small slice of atypical folks who want to be active politically but do not want to affiliate with others to magnify their voice and see it represented in office holders.

    But, I submit, the generalization that the best informed, most active people are those who are active in some form of political organization holds quite strongly, despite the presence of exceptions. Not for nothing does discussion of measures like M65 coalesce around sites such as this.

  • George Seldes (unverified)
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    @ LT: in speaking of millions of people, one must generalize. No, I did not claim that you were apathetic or ill-informed when you were non-affiliated with a party. Rather, I claim that you represent a rather small exception to a general rule that holds up quite strongly under a microscope: that the best informed, most active people are indeed those who are affiliated with a political organization, which both magnifies their voice and gives them a way to reduce the burden of staying well-informed and active.

    @ Steve Maurer: The Court that upheld a ban on fusion (Twin Cities New Party case) went out of their way to support the dominance of the so-called "two-party system" with fears that giving voters real choices would create "instability." It's one of the worst cases ever decided and rivals Bush v. Gore for inventing Constitutional doctrine on the spot in order to achieve a desired result.

  • Steve Bucknum (unverified)
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    I guess I'd like to know what happened to my two posts to this topic that are no longer here. Well, to publish it again:

    "Sal Peralta asks: I'll repeat a question I asked Steve Bucknum: If the current system is so much more favorable to minor political parties than the top two under M65, then why has no minor party candidate been elected to statewide or legislative office in more than 100 years?

    Besides Gov. Meier from 1931-1935 who was an independent, I found in the State archieves on the Sec. of State website the list of all elected Oregon House and Senate members. Going back 100 years per Sal, it goes:

    1909 - W.J. Mariner, House 1909 - H.D. Norton, Senate 1911 - Tim Brownhill, House 1917 - Seymour Jones, House 1917 - Hermon Lewis, Senate 1919 - Walter Jones, Senate 1919 - Alex LaFollett, Senate 1919 - John Nickelsen, Senate

    -- And then I decided enough was enough, if people want to see this stuff, they can look it up themselves.

    Sal, you really ought to consider finding out the facts instead of making them up.

  • LT (unverified)
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    The more I hear about fusion voting, the more concerned I am about logistical problems.

    Are all county clerks OK with this scenario with regard to printing ballots?

    "Under genuine fusion I don't know if someone can reject a party nomination on their line, but the fact that a D or R could decline to have such cross-endorsement listed undermines the quasi-fusion argument for M65. "

    Wouldn't the printing of only one ballot under 65 be easier for them?

    Or do they not matter because they are only elections officials?

  • David S (unverified)
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    Instant runoff voting in the general election- allowing voters to choose their 1st choice candidate, then pick a second in the event their first doesn't make the cut would do far more to build up minor parties. Measure 65 is a much worse way to try and get support for minor parties than instant runoff voting in the general election. I hope Measure 65 goes down in flames.

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    Steve, as I pointed out in the other thread, I think you are confusing non-affiliated candidates with minor party candidates. Your research does not refute my point that no minor party candidate has been elected to the state legislature or to statewide office in more than 100 years, it confirms it.

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    Just a factual correction: David Duke ran as a Republican in 1990, not as a "minor party candidate" as asserted above.

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    Sal

    I think the "we are not Louisiana" argument is fallacious.

    We aren't like LA, we aren't like France, we aren't like Peru, we aren't like ...

    This is all about the rules of the game, and how voters and candidates behave under different sets of rules. I guess I think that Oregon voters put their pants on one leg at a time, candidates compete for office like in other states.

    So yes perhaps we don't have a Klan vote. But we do have an anti-tax vote, a green/environmental vote. We have anarchists in Eugene. We have range rebellion in Klamath. We have strong evangelical wings.

    The FACTS are that many top two systems end up pushing forward two general election candidates with under 20% of the vote.

    So no, we probably won't get a David Duke. But we could easily get a whacko liberal or a wing nut Republican pushed forward to the general in one of our statewide contests.

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    Although the No on 65 person was a little obnoxious, I agree with him. Personally I wasn't convinced enough by the arguments for this measure. Is this a better system then we have now? In my opinion, no.

  • Eric Parker (unverified)
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    One of my final thoughts on this is the fact that there probably is a chance a passage of this measure will send it into a court challenge. There is too much confusion in this for it to be implemented immediately. Someone, somewhere, is just licking their chops and waiting for this to pass and then kick it into the courts over some petty reason, thereby costing everyone more money that originally intended.

    So, even if you vote Yes, it possibly won't get implemented because of a lurking court challenge. There is a possibility you would be waisting your vote by voting Yes on this. That's why you vote No - that way we won't have to worry about the courts and other crap associated with court challenges.

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    Chris Lowe: Oregon doesn't have a Le Pen style ultra-nationalist quasi-fascist right.

    I would suggest you go read some of the manifestos of the Constitution Party, Chris, before making that assertion. Arguably, they are more to the ultra-nationalist right than Le Pen is.

    Darth Vader was a liberal!

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    Paul, You raise a fair point about some of these marginal groups. I hope we can agree that a campaign that suggests that the only thing standing between Oregon and David Duke is the closed primary is a rather offensive argument to make.

    That aside, I believe that we both know that there are several significant differences between the proposed open primary measure and Louisiana.

    The Louisiana system is more comparable to the non-partisan races that we currently have in Multnomah County, Lane County, Washington County, etc. in that it does not involve a runoff if a candidate receives at least 50% of the vote.

    You want us to look at Peru for possible results, but have wholly ignored the decades of elections that we have had under a similar system right here in our own backyard.

    It makes no sense.

  • Tom Civiletti (unverified)
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    Kari wrote:

    Under M65, the minor party candidates could have a demonstrable spoiler effect - but it would be demonstrated BEFORE the general election.

    As Dan Meek pointed out, there could be considerable spoiling in the primary under M65, and that effect would not be limited to minor party candidates. My suspicion is that vote-sucking shills will clog many primary ballots, because parties and candidates will do whatever helps their chances, and diluting their opponents' support accomplishes this. So, we may trade the occasional third party spoiler in the general for multiple spoilers in every primary. Not a good trade in my opinion.

    I think the best hope for third parties under M65 is in politically homogeneous districts, as Sal has pointed out. Portland general elections might feature a Democrat versus a Green, while eastern Oregon voters might choose between a Republican and a Constitution Party candidate.

    This, of course, would further polarize the politics of the rural-urban divide, something M65 supporters claim the system would decrease.

  • LT (unverified)
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    Paul, I think you are wrong. "I think the "we are not Louisiana" argument is fallacious."

    Oregon is Oregon, and comparisons to Louisiana if we pass Measure 65 make no more sense than earlier than the people here who said we should support formation of the Working Families Party because of how well it did in NY.

    If you think Oregonians should oppose M.65, give Oregon reasons.

  • LT (unverified)
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    "Instant runoff voting in the general election- allowing voters to choose their 1st choice candidate, then pick a second in the event their first doesn't make the cut would do far more to build up minor parties."

    Yes, I know, IRV is the salvation of the modern world, and anyone who says there might be logistical problems or voter resistance is saying voters are stupid. Or so some IRV supporters have tried to convince us is the case.

    If IRV is so great, a grass roots movement behind it can be started. Advocates can go to civic groups, community groups, neighborood groups and make presentations to such small groups. They can answer any questions people may have in the small groups, and sign up volunteers. Then if it is such a great idea, all those volunteers can lobby their legislators, and the IRV proponents can find a legislator to sponsor an IRV bill, or get the signatures to put IRV on the ballot.

    Of course, that involves a lot more work than just writing "IRV is the best system" on blogs.

    What if there are only 2 choices in any particular race (in areas where people are thrilled to find a challenger for the incumbent) and voters don't have a second choice? If the idea in that scenario is to vote twice for the good person challenging the bad person, be sure to point that out when you make your presentations to small grass roots groups,

    Whatever you think of Phil and Norma's M.65, they understand grass roots politics, they gathered support for a ballot measure, and they got it on the ballot.

  • Tom Civiletti (unverified)
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    LT wrote:

    If you think Oregonians should oppose M.65, give Oregon reasons.

    This argument promotes ahistorical thinking. That happens in this country quite a lot. We discuss healthcare reform while ignoring the national systems that operate in other developed nations, as if American diabetes is fundamentally different than French diabetes.

    Since a system similar to M65 has operated in Louisiana, it makes sense to look at the experience there. Of course there will be differences here, but we can expect the basic dynamics to be similar.

  • Eric Parker (unverified)
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    "If you think Oregonians should oppose M.65, give Oregon reasons"

    There probably is a chance a passage of this measure will send it into a court challenge. There is too much confusion in this for it to be implemented immediately. Someone, somewhere, is just licking their chops and waiting for this to pass and then kick it into the courts over some petty reason, thereby costing everyone more money that originally intended.

    So, even if you vote Yes, it possibly won't get implemented because of a Possible lurking court challenge. There is a possibility you would be waisting your vote by voting Yes on this. That's why you vote No - that way we won't have to worry about the courts and other crap associated with court challenges. It has happened before on other confusing and/or contreversial Oregon measures in the past.

  • RW (unverified)
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    LT: you request that we engage in speculation. Nonproductive.

    Why not review test cases as they exist, seek out rational parallels then review for local saliencies?

  • George Seldes (unverified)
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    @LT: I hate to follow the threadjack too far off M65, but I must ask why Oregonians should need to do any of what you suggest to implement a procedure (IRV) that the Oregon Constitution expressly permits?

    http://is.gd/4IUh

    BTW, a small group of advocates got an IRV-option bill introduced in the Oregon House last session and it made it onto the floor over the objection of such leading lights as Kim Thatcher (R-Keizer). Oregonians favoring IRV are in the weird position of having the strongest possible legal basis for thinking that any city or county who chooses to could adopt IRV immediately, but then the local governments run into the ill-informed objections of Elections Director John Lindback, whose testimony to the House Government Operations committee went so far as to claim that IRV violated "one person, one vote," which is an absurd invention.

    Meanwhile, to return to the topic at hand, the original post made a claim that the parties most damaged by M65 should actually favor it. IRV comes up tangentially because it's a reform that minor parties DO favor and that hurts the majors not at all because it simply helps voters overcome the principal problem with plurality: spoiling and the subsequent election of winners whom most voters opposed. M65's "fix" is to guarantee a majority winner in the second round by artificially limiting voter choices to two (while greatly increasing the cost and duration of campaigns, which only helps monied interests). The IRV alternative produces a majority winner and doesn't limit voter choices, and it has been shown to produce exactly the toning-down of rhetoric and reduction in negative campaigning that M65 proponents claim to want.

    P.S.: Louisiana's primaries did have a 50% rule -- which is why most races were decided in the primary and there was no general at all.

  • George Seldes (unverified)
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    P.P.S.: http://is.gd/4IZH (Alliance for Democracy piece.)

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    Rebecca, fair point. Is there a reason then, that opponents of the measure are unwilling to point to examples where we already have similar election rules in place?

    My guess is that many opponents of the measure recognize that our current experience with similar elections in Lane County, Multnomah County, Washington County, or in local elections just doesn't bear out the catastrophic scenarios that opponents feel they need to raise in order to appeal to people's fears with regard to Measure 65.

    Eric, the idea that some powerful interests will go to court in order to block this measure is a bad reason to oppose it. Imagine if civil rights leaders used that as a criteria as to whether they should take action in the 1960's...

  • RW (unverified)
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    Sal - yup, I hear you. Looks like Civiletti speaks to LA being a reasonable test case for basic dynamics, and LT says that's apples and tangelos.

    Never the twain, p'raps.

    At any rate: I'm not for the measure, too complex for me to say yea or nay with confidence. And so I say look at what's in existence and reason it out from there.

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    Well, I wasn't necessarily speaking of Tom, whom I know to be fair-minded, so much as the 527's who are basically saying that the only thing standing between Oregon and David Duke as Governor is our closed primary system, and who have implied that Bill Sizemore was involved in Measure 65.

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    Sal Peralta: I think you are confusing non-affiliated candidates with minor party candidates

    Under this jungle-primary system there is no difference. Anyone can call themselves anything they want, with a 30 day notice.

    It's even true under our system today, which is why Pavel Goberman continually runs in various Parties' primaries. But at least under the current system, a Primary doesn't provide the opportunity to act like a spoiler under the name of a party who doesn't accept him.

  • Jiang (unverified)
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    Small party types, Libertarians and naddering Naderites need to get their comments in now, while there's still time left to take some abuse from the blog.

    It would feel kind of like not having voted to not have been roundly bashed for throwing away my vote or costing the Dems the election! And this is the most depressing election I can remember in terms of the "oh, there's someone else running?" sentiment.

    I'll take my shot. No danger of racism ruining Obama in the Valley, hence the State. Libertarians have MUCH BETTER positions on anything you care to name. Vote principle for once. Ron Paul.

  • rw (unverified)
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    Jiang: are you saying Naderites are ballsy? It would appear so, as "Nads" is a word that exists in specific in male lexicography...

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    C'mon now, Sal, rein in the rhetoric.

    It is not "the 527s" in plural, it is the OEA.

    It is one union. And it is one flyer. I for one have not seen the flyer, though I toss these things routinely.

    You don't even know if they simply misprinted, since it's pretty clear they just lumped a bunch of measures together and called them all the "Bill Sizemore" measures.

    ===

    I do think this is different from LA but in ways that makes the LA system SUPERIOR.

    Their first round is held in November when voters are paying attention. The proposed system would hold the first round in May, when attention is much much lower (thus a higher chance of bad outcomes).

    Their system does not have a second round if someone gets 50%--meaning that candidates have at least some incentive to run to the middle. The proposed system does not have this feature.

    This is why your comparisons to the non-partisan races are not accurate. As I've noted before, the critical difference in the two as proposed is that candidates have no incentive to maximize their vote and speak to "all" the voters, as is constantly claimed.

    It is far more effective in a multicandidate race to appeal to your narrowly defined, highly motivated segment of voters, precisely the kinds of voters who turn out in primaries and who are unlikely to be swayed by other candidates.

    Let the moderates battle (and lose) in the middle ground.

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    Paul, I think you are wrong. "I think the "we are not Louisiana" argument is fallacious."

    Oregon is Oregon, and comparisons to Louisiana if we pass Measure 65 make no more sense than earlier than the people here who said we should support formation of the Working Families Party because of how well it did in NY.

    If you think Oregonians should oppose M.65, give Oregon reasons.

    LT, two responses.

    First, you constantly refer to your long experience in Oregon politics and the unique character of Oregon. Surely you are aware that, since 2000 along, 6% of Oregon's population moved here from other states. I can't find numbers at PSU's website, but I would not be surprised to find out that a quarter or more of the population in the past quarter century are non-native Oregonians.

    Second, I think the challenge goes out to you: why do you think the basic rules of the electoral game do not apply to Oregon?

    Do you, like Phil Keisling, somehow think Oregonian voters can find their way through a long and complex ballot when 50 years of economic and social choice research shows that lots of choices and lots of choosers leads to bad outcomes?

    Are Oregon candidates not running to maximize their chances to win office like candidates every where else?

    Do Oregon citizens not affiliate with parties at about an 80% clip, like citizens nationwide?

    You can't just wave your hands and say "Oregon's different" without saying how and why. That just doesn't cut it.

  • (Show?)

    I think the best hope for third parties under M65 is in politically homogeneous districts, as Sal has pointed out.

    Of course, that's their best hope right now, too. And I haven't seen much evidence that they can be bothered to run candidates in those districts either.

    So, at the risk of undermining the entire point of my post, I guess I'm wondering why we even care about minor parties at all. They don't seem to be trying to win under the current system.

  • (Show?)

    LT,

    I don't think we should decide our voting system according to what county clerks are "o.k. with," and in seeking their advice about implementing something, which would be wise, the standard that they "all" should be so makes no sense.

    You often form your rhetorical questions in the form "are all xyz something or another" as if the dissent of one member of the category resolves the question in the negative. It's not a persuasive standard. Yet in other cases you want to make the single case rule, if something doesn't work well where you are, even if it works well for a large majority.

    Anyway, if there's a voting system that would improve democracy but would be less convenient for county clerks, it should be funded to pay for extra personnel if needed, but benefit to democracy should trump county clerk convenience.

  • LT (unverified)
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    Glad to read, "...in seeking their advice about implementing something, which would be wise,...".

    Issues that a crowd tries to steamroller often have a harder time than issues which are arrived at by gaining input from all interested parties.

    Which is why I would not jump on any bandwagon where advocates had attitudes like this,

    "Anyway, if there's a voting system that would improve democracy but would be less convenient for county clerks, it should be funded to pay for extra personnel if needed, but benefit to democracy should trump county clerk convenience. "

    My concern was that someone might say "OK, county clerks, maybe we will give you input on this and we'll try to get you some extra funding. But this is a powerful movement and if you don't like it, that is your problem".

    That attitude is not the sort of democracy I grew up with. So call me a radical because I worry about implementation details.

  • LT (unverified)
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    Kari, the other point is how long lasting and well organized 3rd parties are. Didn't Tom Cox leave the 3rd party he once ran in?

    A couple friends of mine became active with 3rd parties to the point of running for office. One became the 3rd party candidate to gain the most votes of any 3rd party candidate in a multi-candidate general election.

    But not a year later, when I talked with him, he had left that party and joined another one after a power struggle.

    I vote for the individual, not the party---although at times like now I hope all Democrats win because we need to turn the country around. That doesn't mean I have supported the Democrat in every election since I was old enough to vote.

    The Founding Fathers didn't talk about parties (in Oregon or nationally), that came later.

  • Joel H (unverified)
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    LT - The greatest president ever -- in a comical juxtaposition, he was also named George -- was particularly opposed to them. "Later" came around in the very next administration.

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    Paul - I love ya, but you really need to make sure you have your facts straight before commenting. Yes, the OEA put out a hit piece on this measure, which the Oregonians editorialized against today. However, they were not directly responsible for the other hit piece that some shadowy pac put out last week that basically asserted that Oregon's closed primary system is the only thing standing between us and David Duke.

    Kari - What you are saying seems to be true of the Greens. Every candidate they are running in this election is a spoiler candidate. It is less true of the other minor parties, and is not true of the Independent Party.

    All three of our candidates in legislative races is in a one-on-one race. We have 3 credible candidates including a retired air force colonel running in commissioner races, and an Independent made the top-two in a mayoral race. Additionally, we have cross nominated 5 candidates from both major parties, and endorsed 3 others -- all of them in contested races.

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    Sal

    Please don't ask me to correct facts that no one but yourself seems to be aware of.

    I have received ZERO mailings on M65. You have referred to one mailing. Now you refer to a second mailing.

    You deployed the rhetoric of "shadowy" 527s because you are trying to take advantage of public reaction against national campaigns and the controversy over "Swift Boating."

    It has nothing to do with M65, and urging a vote for M65 in order to take a stand against campaign spending--while your own campaign admits that M65 is a half measure without attendant campaign finance reform!--is just a dumb suggestion.

    Let's debate M65 on the merits, not try to distract by talking about campaign flyers.

  • Arnold Ismach (unverified)
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    KARI: I'm a former newspaper editor, and retired dean of the journalism school at the University of Oregon. I still follow political news closely. Your piece on the virtues of Measure 65 is absolutely the best argument I've read on it -- including Phil Keisling's.

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